Yeltsin's Address Dismissing the Supreme Soviet and Congress of Peoples' Deputies
(National Television Address)

"TO THE CITIZENS OF RUSSIA"

Fellow citizens. I am addressing you at one of the most complex and critical moments on the eve of events of extraordinary importance.

In recent months Russia has been experiencing a profound crisis of its state structure. All government institutions and political leaders have been dragged into a fruitless, senseless and destructive struggle. A direct consequence of this is the decline of the authority of state power as a whole. I am sure that all the citizens of Russia have become convinced that in such conditions it is impossible not only to implement difficult reforms, but to maintain elementary order.

One must say bluntly. Unless political confrontation in the power structures in Russia is put an end to, unless the normal tempo of its work is restored the situation cannot be kept under control and our state cannot be preserved and peace in Russia cannot be preserved.

I have been inundated with demands from all parts of our country to stop the dangerous developments, to stop the rape of people's rule. For more than a year attempts have been made to reach a compromise with the body of deputies, with the Supreme Soviet. Russians know well how many steps I have made at recent congresses and in between congresses. But even if agreement was reached on some matters categorical refusal to honor the commitments followed.

You and I hoped that a turning point would occur after the April referendum. Members of the Supreme Soviet have been flouting the expressed will of the Russian people. A course is pursued to weaken and eventually removal of the President, to disorganize the work of the present government. A powerful propaganda campaign has been mounted to discredit the executive branch of power in Russia as a whole.

The decisions of the Supreme Soviet and the Congress contradicting the results of the April referendum have not yet been repealed. And one can now safely say that they will not be repealed. On the contrary, in the past months tens of new anti-people decisions have been prepared and adopted. Many of them are deliberately aimed at worsening the situation in Russia. The most outrageous instance is the so-called economic policy of the Supreme Soviet. It's decisions on the budget, privatization and many other decisions worsen the crisis and cause great harm to the country.

All the efforts of the government to alleviate the economic situation run into blind wall of misunderstanding. One can hardly name a few days when the Council of Ministers was not under pressure, was not the victim of arms twisting. And this in the midst of a grave economic crisis.

The Supreme Soviet has stopped reckoning with the presidential decrees, the presidential amendments to draft bills, even with the presidential right of veto stipulated by the Constitution. The legislators in so doing are constantly pledging fidelity to the Constitution and law.

The constitutional reform has virtually been terminated. Not only dis and the comments made by the President of the Russian Federation, particularly the chapters of the Constitution titled "Federal Legislative Branch" and "The President of the Russian Federation, Federal Executive Branch". Logically the 7th Congress was to adopt the new Constitution of the country. But the Supreme Soviet leadership, without giving any sound reason, stopped the constitutional process. Moreover, the Supreme Soviet has recently suggested that I should approve the unseating of the President elected by the popular vote. This is exactly the purport of the constitutional amendments which I recently received from the White House.

It must be recognized that the process of creating a law-based state in Russia has in fact been disorganized. What is going on is deliberate undermining of the already feeble legal base of the young Russian state. The law-making work has been turned into a weapon of political struggle. Laws which Russia so urgently needs fail to be passed for years. Instead, a drastic revision of the existing Constitution has been launched, and in a primitive formula: we'll pass those laws that suit our purpose at the moment, we'll write down anything we want to be written at the moment. As things go that way there emerges a growing number of opportunities freedoms of the individual and the fundame ntal democratic principles.

This sort of law has nothing to do with jurisprudence, all the more when it is dictated by a single person or by a group of persons. being purged, and all those who do not show personal loyalty to their leader are mercilessly banished from the Supreme Soviet and its Presidium. What I am talking about is not a chance, nor a manifestation of growing pains. All this is bitter proof of the fact that the Supreme Soviet as a state institution is now in a state of political decomposition. It has lost its ability to perform the main function of the representative body, the function of concerting public interests. It has ceased to be an organ of rule by the people. Power in the Supreme Soviet of Russia has been seized by a group of persons, who have turned it into the headquarters of irreconcilable opposition.

Hiding behind the deputies' backs and parasitizing on the collective irresponsibility of secret balloting, it is pushing Russia towards the abyss.

One can no longer disregard and tolerate this and do nothing. My duty of President is to recognize that the current deputies' corps have lost the right to remain at the key levers of state power. The security of Russia and her peoples iake this possible. The effective Constitution does not provide either for any procedure to adopt a new Constitution, which would envisage a decent way out of the crisis of statehood.

As the guarantor of the security of our state, I am obliged to suggest a way out of the deadlock, am obliged to break this pernicious vicious circle.

In view of numerous addresses to me by leaders of the subjects of the Russian Federation, deputies' groups, participants in the Constitutional Conference, political parties and movements, representatives of the public and citizens of Russia, I have taken the following steps.

Vested with authority acquired at the all-people elections in 1991 and with trust, which was reiterated by the citizens in April 1993, I endorsed by my decree amendments to and revisions in the effective Constitution of the Rus of the Congress and the Supreme Soviet. An entirely new supreme body of legislative power in Russia is being created. Any actions aimed at disrupting the elections will be deemed illegitimate and persons acting in this way will be prosecuted under the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation.

The people who will come to the Russian Parliament should not be people who engage in political games at the expense of the people, but create laws which Russia needs so urgently. The people in the Russian Parliament must be more competent, more cultured and more democratic. I believe such people exist in Russia and we will be able to find them and early election of the President to be held after the start of the Federal Assembly. Only you, the electors, will decide who will occupy this top state post in Russia for another term. In accordance with the presidential decree which I have already signed, the exercise of legislative, administrative and supervisory functions of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation is suspended. The Congress shall no longer convene. The powers of the people's deputies of the Russian Federation shall be terminated. Needless to say, their working rights will be fully guaranteed. They will have the right to go back to their work places where they worked prior to being elected deputies of Russia. And to be reinstated in their former jobs. At the same time each of them has the right to run again in elections to the Federal Assembly. The powers of the local bodies remain in force.

In this connection I call on the local leaders to use every legitimate opportunity to ensure public law and order.

The rights and freedoms of the citizens of the Russian Federation established by the Constitution are guaranteed.

I appeal to the leaders of foreign powers, to foreign citizens and our many friends all over the world. Your support is significant and valuable for Russia. At critical moments in complex Russian transformations you have been with us. I urge you this time around to understand the complexity of the situation in the country. The measures that I have to take as President of the Russian Federation is the only way to protect democracy and freedom in Russia, to defend reform and still weak Russian market.

These measures are necessary in order to protect Russia and the whole world against catastrophic collapse of the Russian state, the reign of anarchy in a country possessing a huge arsenal of nuclear weapons. I have no other aims.

Fellow citizens. The time has come when, by common effort we can and must put an end to the profound crisis of the Russian state. I count on your understanding and support. I count on your good sense and civic awareness. We have a chance to help Russia. I am sure that we will be able to use it for the sake of peace and tranquility in our country in order to banish from Russia the debilitating struggle of which all of you are tired.

By common efforts, let us preserve Russia for ourselves, our children and grand children. Thank you.

SOURCE: Federal News Service
620 National Press Building
Washington, DC 20045